Valuable Beyond Vulnerable: A Scoping Review on the Contributions of Older Forced Migrants in Post-migration Recovery

According to the UNHCR (2020), older forced migrants are recognized as people aged 60 years and over who have been forced to leave their homes or home regions due to forced displacement to settle in other parts of their country or a new country. However, the use of chronological age, which is colonial and Western, may be inaccurate in collecting data on forced migrants from different cultural backgrounds for several reasons. First, older forced migrants are typically among the least educated migrants, and many can only guess their age (HelpAge International 2018b). This also happens because, in non-Western societies, age is psychosocially construed, demonstrated by how a person feels and how society culturally defines ageing based on appearance and milestones like having children (Dziechciaż and Filip 2014); hence, chronological age is not prioritized (Helman 2005). Second, migration policies typically privilege granting asylum and refugee status and job opportunities to younger forced migrants because young people are assumed to provide labor, leading to economic growth (HelpAge International and IDMC 2012; Oberman 2020). To avoid being rejected by host countries or regions and limit economic discrimination, older forced migrants may be obligated to reduce their reported age (HelpAge International and IDMC 2012). Finally, the trauma, stress, health, and nutritional challenges associated with forced migration may expedite the biological ageing process, leading to older forced migrants experiencing age-related cognitive and health declines earlier than the non-migrant population (UNHCR 2015; UNHCR and HelpAge International 2021).

Older forced migrants in this article are classified into refugees, displaced persons, and asylum seekers. Refugees are forced migrants who cross the international border to settle in a new country. The United Nations’ principle of non-refoulement protects them from being forcefully repatriated to their country of origin (UNHCR 1951). Similar to refugees, asylum-seekers are also forced to cross international borders to a new country; however, the host country has not approved their refugee claim and, therefore, do not enjoy the same privileges as refugees and are not protected by United Nations principles on refugees (Asplet 2013). Displaced persons, on the other hand, are forced migrants who, due to violence, conflict, war, climate change, or other events of public disturbances, are forced to leave their homes or home region but remain within their country’s borders (UNHCR 2020). They are supported and protected by their countries’ governments. Additional categories of forced migrants may encompass those who are stateless or victims of trafficking (Turton 2003). In the context of this article, we use the term “older migrants” to refer to all older individuals who have migrated due to force, including asylum seekers, refugees, and displaced persons. Furthermore, we use the term “migration” to refer to “forced migration.”

As previously mentioned, 8.5% of those displaced from their homes or regions globally are older migrants (UNHCR 2017). However, it is important to note that this percentage may be underestimated because this information was reported when the global number of forced migrants was at 68.5 million, which is likely higher currently but unreported due to the insufficient documentation of older migrants. Older migrants are usually unseen because there is a tendency to focus on women and children as the most vulnerable populations in migration crises (Migration Data Portal 2022). Furthermore, data on migrants’ sex and age are often limited, typically ending at age 49, with most nutrition surveys targeting children under five and those living with HIV under the age of 45 (Field Exchange 2012). Together, this results in older migrants being overlooked (Handicap International and HelpAge International 2014; Ekoh et al. 2021), putting their needs and well-being at risk.

Migration takes older adults away from familiar environments, their community, and, frequently, their social support systems. Many older migrants face socioeconomic conditions that are different from what they would have experienced in their countries of origin (HelpAge International 2018a). This leads to complexities that may deny older adults successful ageing, increase their poverty rate, increase the risk for or exacerbate physical or mental health challenges, expose them to neglect and abuse, and result in poor health-seeking behaviors and lower life satisfaction (Sundquist et al. 2005; Tong et al. 2021).

Migration typically leads to an increased need for social support; however, ageing in situations of migration dramatically reduces older adults’ social networks and support systems (Sood and Bakhshi 2012). This is more challenging for older migrants because migration denies them the opportunity to plan for retirement, thus requiring them to adjust to a new and unfamiliar environment with a new language, culture, and limited social support systems.

Furthermore, older adults seek to rebuild their lives and communities post-crisis; however, migration offers them limited opportunities to do so (UNHCR 2002). Ageing in migration may also be characterized by experiences of ageing that intersect with their status as migrants, denying them employment and economic opportunities (Lössbroek et al. 2021; Baspineiro 2022; Ekoh and Okoye 2022). This is because many ageing migrants who characteristically migrate from low and middle-income countries may lack the skills, training, and qualifications required to earn a living in their host countries (HelpAge International 2018a). Even when they have the required qualifications, compounded by ageism, their qualifications, like those of their younger counterparts, may not be recognized in the new country, compelling older migrants to take up lower job positions (UNHCR 2002). Gustafsson et al. (2021) suggested that older adults ageing in migration may become economically dependent on younger people, leading them to lose their agency and causing them to age with shame and humiliation. Co-migrant younger people who also experience migration-associated vulnerability may be preoccupied with their own survival, leading to the abandonment of older migrants (UNICEF and IDMC 2019). All these factors contribute to economic difficulties in ageing in situations of migration.

Ageing in migration may also deny older adults their traditionally ascribed positions as knowledge holders and leaders within their community. This may lead to older migrants losing their status and authority, increasing negative attitudes towards them (UNHCR 2015; HelpAge International 2018b). They also may become dependent on younger migrants, who usually find it easier to integrate into new environments for cultural interpretation and access to information (Pot et al. 2020). Migration may also deny older adults the opportunity to age within their religious and cultural milieu; this is important given that extant literature shows the heightened importance of culture, religion, and spirituality in old age (Malone and Dadswell 2018; Lima et al. 2020; Okolie et al. 2023).

Ageing in migration is frequently associated with deteriorating health conditions and increased disabilities, with HelpAge International (2014) reporting that an estimated 77% of migrants are affected by disabilities, chronic diseases, and injuries. The intersection of migration stress, trauma, poor nutrition, and ageing may expose many older migrants to precarious health conditions, suffering from a variety of communicable and non-communicable diseases, leading to increased morbidity and mortality (Pieterse and Ismail 2003; Bukonda et al. 2012). The study by Pieterse and Ismail (2003) revealed the increased prevalence of chronic illness in later life, while Bukonda et al. (2012) indicated that older migrants are more susceptible to illnesses such as fever, malaria, and diarrhea, compared to non-migrants. Further, Du Cros et al. (2013) reported that older migrants aged 50 and over had a five times higher mortality rate than migrants below age 50. These health challenges among older migrants are more complicated than those of their younger aged counterparts because older migrants with more health problems have less access to healthcare services (ICEDLSH and TMHI 2018).

Disabilities among migrants are 15% higher than the global average (Global Partnership for Sustainable Development Data 2022). Although exact estimates are unknown, this figure is likely greater among older migrants whose exposure to violence leading to migration increases their disabilities, as evidenced by UNHCR and HelpAge International (2021) research, which found an intersection between old age and disabilities in migration. These disabilities affect older migrants’ access to resources as they may struggle with physical barriers such as long queues and lines (National Disaster Risk Reduction Centre 2016; HelpAge International 2016). Migration also leads to the early onset of cognitive impairments such as dementia, which in turn impacts migrant access to help-seeking information (Good et al. 2016; HelpAge International 2018b). Older migrants living with disabilities are further disproportionately discriminated against, exacerbating their preexisting vulnerability (UNHCR 2016). Further, there is little hope for appropriate interventions because there are limited guidelines to address their age-specific needs (ICEDLSH and TMHI 2018).

A growing number of studies have also found an increased prevalence of mental health problems among older migrants. Cummings et al. (2011), for example, found higher rates of depression among older migrants as a result of the losses and trauma associated with migration. Their loss of social networks and support due to migration was also associated with depressive symptoms (Ekoh et al. 2023). Additionally, Cummings et al. (2011) found that living conditions after migration, characterized by low income, poor social support, lack of language proficiency, and poor physical health conditions, increase levels of depression. Older migrants also experience amplified anxiety levels, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and general psychological distress due to their pre-migration, migration, and post-migration experiences of violence, loss, and other struggles (Ahmad et al. 2020).

Older migrants also experience a range of social issues. They may experience significant levels of ageism in employment and access to resources, healthcare services, and increased exploitation and exclusion (Hutton 2008; ICEDLSH and TMHI 2018; UNHCR 2019a; Ekoh et al. 2023). They may also be exposed to abuse, racism, human rights violations, and xenophobia because of their religion and ethnicity (UNHCR 2020; Osterlund 2022). Older migrants also considerably have more language difficulties than younger migrants, and many host communities and countries do not have language integration plans and programs for this population (Pot 2020; Boutmira 2021). Similarly, education and training programs are typically designed for younger migrants, with older adults stereotyped as being incapable of learning new languages and skills (UNHCR 2019b; Lergetporer et al. 2021). All these significantly impact older migrants’ abilities to resettle and integrate into the new environment. These deficits and challenges of older migrants, as detailed in the literature, highlight the need for intervention tailored to this population. In addition to the growing critical importance of research and interventions to address the needs of older migrants, their agency and post-migration contributions must also be recognized and advanced.

Many children and younger people in migration are orphaned due to events leading to migration (UNHCR 2019b; UNICEF and IDMC 2019), leaving a community-based caregiving gap for these children and other young people. Older migrants, especially older women who sometimes may have also lost their children and/or grandchildren, often provide the therapeutic caregiving needed by the children and young people (HelpAge International 2018a). They offer encouragement, daily support, comfort, and daily experiences that help young people grow into healthy adults (UNICEF and IDMC 2019). Versed in culture, values, and belief systems, older migrants who play the roles of therapeutic caregivers also advocate for youth healing and wellness. With their experiences, older migrants can identify children and young people’s strengths, help them nurture these strengths, and encourage them to take on challenges. Furthermore, given that many older migrants migrate from communal societies (UNHCR 2002), they can aid young people in building meaningful relationships with their new community post-migration. Older migrants’ caregiving responsibilities and experience also make them critical in designing child protection strategies, leading HelpAge International (2018a) to recommend investment in programming for older people.

In many cultures, older adults are valued for their wisdom and life experiences, making them ideal for providing emotional support and mentorship post-migration. Older migrants can provide mentorship and guidance to younger people, as they draw from their understanding of historical events to teach younger people about things younger people did not experience firsthand in order to prepare them for life challenges (HelpAge International and IDMC 2012). They may also provide emotional support by listening to and advising younger co-migrants in their community (Ekoh et al. 2021). The emotional support and mentorship role offered by older migrants is critical, given the trauma associated with migration and the lack of professionals focused on providing emotional support to migrants (UNHCR 2022). Older migrants are usually well positioned to provide this emotional support because of their peculiar life experiences, shared lived experiences as fellow migrants, and typically less preoccupation with paid employment. Older migrants also support younger women without a male head of household in patriarchal societies, as highlighted by IDMC (2011). For example, IDMC (2011) found that older migrants supported younger women who did not have male chaperones or guardians to navigate the social rules of purdah by accompanying them to resource distribution points in the Sindh Province of Pakistan. Similarly, HelpAge International (2018a) reported that older migrant women in South Sudan mentored and advised younger women, yielding significant social and behavioral change.

In many societies, older adults are the custodians of culture and tradition (Löckenhoff et al. 2009); hence, older migrants can play a critical role in the intergenerational transfer of cultural knowledge, values, traditional norms, and language. They migrate with a wealth of knowledge of their culture, which they can transmit to the host community to enrich its cultural fabric and to younger co-migrants (UNHCR 2002). Older migrants can also advance cultural exchange, tolerance, and cross-cultural understanding and dismantle stereotypes by introducing new cultures and arts to the host communities (UNHCR and HelpAge International 2021). This cultural and language transfer has been found to help younger migrant children stay grounded and develop into well-functioning adults (Cunningham and King 2018), while also developing their identity in the host community (UNHCR 2002). The connection to migrants’ traditional culture, which older migrants provide, can also help relieve the stress and feeling of dislocation associated with integration into a new environment (UNHCR 2002). Culture can also be transferred through storytelling, as has been found in Ethiopia, where older adults are engaged in storytelling to pass on their traditional knowledge and stories (HelpAge International 2018a). Increasing discourse on migration and language focuses on older migrants’ lack of proficiency in the language of receiving communities and its impact on their lives, with little attention on the importance of their first language to their new community. Older migrants can help maintain their first language and support migrants who are struggling with navigating their identity through language support.

Drawing on the experiences of older migrants is essential for building resilience and coping with the impact of migration. This can either be passive as other migrants get inspired from observing the resilience shown by older migrants in adversity and/or actively through the stories shared by older adults about resilience in the face of crises. People’s experiences inform resilience; thus, telling stories about personal experiences helps people develop positive changes (Theron et al. 2017), empowering them towards appropriate goals and aspirations (Ali 2014; Nelson and Arthur 2003). In many societies, older adults are renowned storytellers and use storytelling to teach and encourage younger people (HelpAge International 2018a). Hence, older migrants can use storytelling to empower other migrants to build resilience, reclaim their voices, and reflect on their experiences to find agency and strength (Seedat et al. 2004). Storytelling does not only help younger people reflect on the stories they hear about how the storyteller overcame adversities and how to adopt the insights embedded in the stories in their own lives, but it also helps the older storyteller build resilience as well. Leseho and Block (2005) noted that telling personal stories gives storytellers the opportunity to be listened to, which can, in and of itself, be therapeutic. Older migrants can also reflect on their experiences, make sense of these experiences, improve their understanding of such experiences, develop emotional insights, and discover new perspectives (Jackson and Mannix 2003).

Older migrants suffer from discrimination in employment; however, in most cases, they are capable of engaging in paid and unpaid work. Older adults also migrate with a wealth of experiences and professional skills that they can use to earn an income and contribute to the local economy (Flynn and Wong 2022). For example, some initiatives in the United States have leveraged the contribution of older refugees, especially older women, as advisers and supporters of children and grandchildren to establish childcare co-operatives (UNHCR 2002). In this process, older women refugees received training as assistants in social support agencies (UNHCR 2002).

There is also growing evidence of older migrants engaging in unpaid work in their families and communities due to unemployment and, in an effort to increase the chances of younger co-migrants pursuing and securing paid jobs (Wang et al. 2017; Koh et al. 2018). For instance, Koh et al. (2018) reported that older migrants, especially older women, work as caregivers for children and people living with disabilities, as well as provide home maintenance, while Wang et al. (2017) revealed that older migrants prepared food for their adult children, relieving them of the extra responsibilities of domestic work so their adult children can focus on paid employment.

Older migrants play crucial roles in community building, acting in leadership positions and advising community leaders. In many displacement camps, older adults, recognized as camp elders (elders in the sense of community leaders), draw from their experiences to serve in advisory roles (Karasapan 2016). In this way, they help foster unity and provide a sense of belonging through the establishment of social gatherings. Further, when there is disagreement within the migrant populations or between migrants and host communities, older migrants play critical roles in adjudicating disputes through facilitating communication, mediating, and promoting dialogue and cooperation (Karasapan 2016; UNHCR 2019a). They also effectively negotiate with their host community and foster unity between migrants and the host community (Karasapan 2016). This recognition of older migrants’ critical engagement in community leadership led the UNHCR (2019a) to recommend recognizing the significant roles older migrants play in strengthening communities and advancing practices to reinforce these leadership roles. The commissioner also recommended avoiding inadvertently undermining the leadership responsibilities of older migrants by duplicating leadership structures.

Older migrants also provide informal and formal peer support to other older migrants. An informal peer support network is developed by older migrants without external support, while formal peer support is organized and supported by external bodies. Examples of informal peer support can be found in studies that have shown that older people in displacement visit each other to provide care, food, and other resources, especially in times of ill health (Cook 2010; Ekoh et al. 2023). For instance, Ekoh et al. (2023) reported that older migrants share their limited resources with other older adults to ensure that they have the basics. In addition, the older migrants were responsible for providing emotional support to their peers, who received a lot of respite from sharing their stories every night with one another, especially during the initial displacement.

Formal peer support has also been integral to HelpAge International’s intervention as they create social spaces for older migrants to gather and identify resources, make decisions, and plan interventions for the various issues affecting them. A noteworthy example of peer support in action is the HelpAge initiative, which created a community outreach network comprising older migrants in Haiti known as “Friends” (HelpAge International and IDMC 2012). “Friends” collected data and provided home-based peer support to highly vulnerable older people in displacement camps. Other successes of this peer support included establishing a donation cash box for contributions used to support older adults in financial difficulties, integrating older people into the labor market, and literacy programs for illiterate older people.