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2024 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

2. The Quantitative Consequences of Exclusion: Racial Exclusion and Public Schooling

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Abstract

This chapter elucidates the quantitative consequences of exclusion for disparities in the social and economic outcomes of territorial units. Specifically, by using different statistical and econometric techniques and exploiting a historical database for municipalities, this chapter focuses on demonstrating that Colombian territorial units with greater Afro-descendant populations had a lower provision of collective goods, such as the provision of mass schooling during the first half of the twentieth century. The chapter also shows quantitatively that the lower provision of collective goods had negative consequences in measures of subnational modern economic progress, i.e., in lower literacy rates, levels of industrial development, employment, or industrial capital.

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Fußnoten
1
See for instance Mahoney (2010). Moreover, as already discussed, racial exclusion became either a formal or an informal institution in the new nations of the Americas. For example, in Latin America slavery, the most oppressive form of racial exclusion, was abolished during the nineteenth century. However, racial discrimination persisted informally for Afro-descendant groups and formally for the native indigenous population, who were subject to explicit laws that discriminated against them (Fitzgerald, 2017).
 
2
As already discussed, although the non-white indigenous and black populations faced racial exclusion in this historical context, the exclusion of the latter was not officially present in Colombian legislation.
 
3
Memoria del Ministro de Instrucción Pública al Congreso de 1912 (Educational Report, 1912, p. 17) [own translation].
 
4
AGN, Ministerio de Gobierno, Sección 1a, t. 713, folio: 423 and AGN, Ministerio de Gobierno, Sección 1a, t.718, folio: 158 [own translation].
 
5
Cauca had a black population of 20 percent according to the census of 1912, higher than the national average.
 
6
It is implied that the officer is demanding blackboards (and not paper and pencils) for rural schools due to the predominance of indigenous and black students. Memoria del Ministro de Educación Nacional al Congreso de 1933 (Educational Report, 1933, p. 320) [own translation].
 
7
AGN, Ministerio de Gobierno, Sección 1a, t. 713, folio: 423 [own translation]. Memoria del Ministro de Instrucción Pública al Congreso de 1914 (Educational Report 1914, p. 29–31 [own translation].
 
8
Departments were responsible for promoting and managing primary instruction, and the national government was responsible for the national regulation (Ramirez & Salazar 2010). Autonomy in this case refers to how Departments could have the possibility of adaptation to local preferences, becoming much clearer after Law 39 of 1903 (Fuentes-Vásquez, 2021).
 
9
A similar principle continues with further reforms such as Law 8 of 1909 and Law 4 of 1913.
 
10
The literature argues that agrarian commodities such as coffee were beneficial for the supply of schooling in producer areas, nevertheless, the effects on the demand for education may be negative, see for instance Fuentes-Vásquez and España-Eljaiek (2023).
 
11
Gutiérrez Azopardo (1980) lists around four palenques (settlements of runaway slaves) during colonial times in the department of Magdalena. Similarly, according to Sánchez Ángel (2009, p. 69), between 1900 and 1913 the United Fruit Company, the main banana-growing firm in Magdalena, hired 20,000 workers from the Antilles in different countries of Latin America, who had a “significant sociocultural impact”.
 
12
AGN, Ministerio de Gobierno, Tomo 712, sección 1ª, año 1913, folio: 159.
 
13
Memoria del Ministro de Instrucción Pública al Congreso de 1914 (Educational Report, 1914, p. XLVI) [own translation].
 
14
Memoria del Ministro de Instrucción Pública al Congreso de 1921 (Educational Report, 1921, p. 74) [own translation]. Bogotá. Imprenta La Luz.
 
15
Memoria del Ministro de Instrucción Pública al Congreso de 1919 (Educational Report, 1919, p. 51). Bogotá. Imprenta Nacional.
 
16
The report states “popular class”. See Intendencia Nacional del Chocó Dirección de Instrucción Pública, Quibdó 12 de junio de 1934 in AGN: sección: Archivo Anexos, Entidad Productora: Ministerio de Gobierno sección Intendencias y Comisarías, Serie Documental: Intendencias Informes Generales, Caja: 001, Carpeta: 002, Folio: 17.
 
17
These data on race come from the population census of 1912. See Annex 1.
 
18
Chocó has particular characteristics regarding teachers’ performance which may explain why Chocó in 1935 is lower than the national average and after 1940 it is the opposite. First, according to Wade (1993a, pp. 199–200), between 1930 and 1940 some Chocoano leaders made efforts to implement normal schools to train teachers in Chocó. Chapter 4 discusses this fact in more detail. Second, the author explains that the teaching position was “one of the few opportunities open to them (Chocoanos)” to acquire status and debunk racial stereotypes. Third, the teaching profession illustrates gender and racial disparities, that is, in contrast to other regions of the country where women dominated the teaching profession, in Chocó men monopolized this profession Wade (1993a).
 
19
Information is scarce for the Amazon and Orinoquía. In both cases, this pattern is consistent with the fact that these regions are isolated in jungle areas and have sparse populations. As a result, the statistical analysis will be focused on the Andean, Caribbean, and Pacific territories.
 
20
An important caveat is that the department of Boyacá shows low Afro-descendant population and literacy rates. This pattern is probably explained by the rural characteristics of this department which could affect the enrollment rates (see for instance Fuentes-Vásquez (2021)). However, more information is necessary to disentangle this fact.
 
21
Between colonizers, native indigenous and African slaves.
 
22
As in Tomaskovic-Devey and Roscigno (1997), or Cutler et al., (1993).
 
23
Percentage. See annex 1.
 
24
This situation is typical in Latin America. Andrews (2007), for instance, documents a process of “whitening” in Brazilian population censuses which affects the final information and interpretation. Moreover, the census of 1912 is confused about this point. Specifically, article 15 of the Decree 923 of 1911 states that the responder of the census of 1912 is the “head of household” and that if the head of the household is illiterate a commissioner (resident in the municipality) should answer the questionnaire. Article 21 also states that the municipal board (juntas municipals) should fill out the information on racial categories. Residents of the municipalities shaped these municipal boards. In the context of implicit racism, both situations may increase the possibility of whitening processes with responders declaring a whiter racial category (See Palacios & Safford, 2002; Andrews, 2016).
 
25
In millions.
 
26
These data are from Sánchez and Nuñez (2000).
 
27
Annex 1discusses the sources in more detail.
 
28
Interpretation of the standardized regression coefficient = \(\beta x\frac{StdX}{StdY}\).
 
29
Negros and mestizos with phenotypically blacker features.
 
30
Following Abrevaya (2001). The results for 1890c are very similar. For brevity, the 1911 results are presented.
 
31
Regarding these arguments, Allen (2019) for instance acknowledges that the industrial revolution relates to economic growth and social prosperity. For related analyses see De Ferranti (2004) and Carrington et al., (1979).
 
32
Std (Log y) = 5.53.
 
33
Literacy rate and the percentage of the population in the industrial sector are from the census of population 1938.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Quantitative Consequences of Exclusion: Racial Exclusion and Public Schooling
verfasst von
Irina España-Eljaiek
Copyright-Jahr
2024
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-47494-1_2

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